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  • She is an angel of freedom: Şehîd Denîz Çiya

    She is an angel of freedom: Şehîd Denîz Çiya

    Şehîd Denîz Çiya was a young woman from Afrîn who fought in the resistance of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh. For three days, she alone defended a building against hundreds of heavily armoured jihadists. After killing 53 of them, she was thrown from the building, and a video desecrating her body was circulated. In response, the society of Rojava shared images of her flying away from the building as an angel. In this statement, Sozdar Avesta, KCK Executive Council Member, evaluated the brave actions of Şehîd Denîz and its meaning for women all over the world.

    She is an angel of freedom. She is a goddess. I honor her with respect and gratitude. It wasn’t just this comrade who was thrown down; it was the conscience of humanity. There is nothing more to say about this; no words can describe it. This is a message [from the jihadists] for all women who want freedom, and it should make women around the world afraid.

    For freedom-seekers, it is a message of revenge and a warning to women not to raise their heads against the “Casteist Killer”* system. The “Casteist Killer” portrays the history in this way: “I am the casteist killer I came about in this way. In heaven there is God, on earth there is the state, and I am the ruler, and you are under my command”. The Casteist Killer wants to impose this philosophy everywhere. But this doesn’t demonstrate the system’s strength; it demonstrates its fear. What succeeded there [in Sheikh Maqsoud] was the spirit of the free woman, the dignity of the Kurdish people, and the dignity of the people of Kurdistan and all the people and women of the world. Everyone should know that this dignified comrade is the goddess of freedom for all women.

    Saddam Hussein did not succeed in hanging Leyla Qasim. In 1974, we saw Saddam Hussein hang women to intimidate them. In the resistance of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh, another Leyla Qasim emerged. In Iran, they tried to protect themselves from collapse by executing Şîrîn Elemhûlî, but today millions of Şîrîn Elemhûlîs are on the streets. This has been proven thousands of times. Neither murdering women like Seve, Pakize, and Fatma nor vanguards of the freedom struggle like Sara, Rojbîn, Leyla, and Evîn will stop us. The more they insist on these practices, the more determined we will be in our struggle.

    ISIS is responsible for this. ISIS is seeking revenge. This is why the people of Kurdistan, the women of North and East Syria, and all the women of Syria should be aware of the following: According to al-Jolani’s constitution, women will be nothing more than servants and slaves. In the March 10 contract, he didn’t give them any space. He took revenge on those women who are fighting back. They say to us: ” You are opening the eyes of women, giving them knowledge and willpower.” They are taking revenge. We saw the women of Arab society. We saw Minbic. We saw what they did to women working in democratic institutions. We saw Derazor.

    This mentality is widespread and oppressive. But this does not show their strength; on the contrary, it shows how small and weak they are. In Kurdish, there is a saying, “Bê çare ne,” which means “they are helpless.” This is what they show. They want to strengthen our fear in this way. But they should know this very well. They will never be an obstacle to women’s freedom. This mentality has oppressed women for thousands of years. Women have formed organizations with thoughts and a philosophy; they have become a force of protection.

    All women must take responsibility for the situation in Aleppo and strengthen their defense. They must strengthen their legitimate defense, organization, and unity. They must become politically active. They must learn how to defend themselves. No being can exist without defense. In Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh, they defended themselves and their people. They only had individual light weapons. To defend their people, they chose dignified resistance. This is why women need to learn self-defense. Not just in North and East Syria—women all over the world need self-defense. From Venezuela to Ukraine to Palestine. Who has been harmed in all these wars? Women. Millions of women have been massacred. This is why Rêber Apo developed these thoughts and philosophy. This is why they want to take revenge on us. The Kurdistan Women’s Freedom Movement plays the vanguard role in ideology, system, organization, strength, and so on. This is why they attack us so brutally; they want to oppress us. But they will never succeed. The outcome is resistance and rebellion. History has proven this.

    *In the new “Manifesto of peace and democratic society”, Rêber Apo describes men who organized themselves to impose oppression on society as the “Casteist Killer”.

  • Heval Sara is the spirit of life, love and struggle.

    Heval Sara is the spirit of life, love and struggle.

    Thirteen years ago, on 9 January 2013, the world stopped in Paris. Sakine Cansiz (known as heval Sara) was assassinated. She and her comrades Fidan Doğan (Rojbin) and Leyla Şaylemez (Ronahi) fell as martyrs following an attack — because they were women, because they were revolutionaries, because they were bearers of values, because they were free, beautiful and fighting.

    These were three political femicides, but despite overwhelming evidence, the defendants were not brought to trial.

    On 23 December 2022, three years ago, in the same way, at the same time, again in the French capital, Emine Kara (known as heval Evîn, one of the leaders of the Kurdish women’s movement) and two other comrades, Mir Perwer and Abdurrahman Kizil, were martyred.

    After 10 years, this was a clear signal from the enemies of the movement to break hope and silence the struggle for a free society, with the vanguardship of women.

    Sakine represents the resistance of her people: faced with the denial of their existence, language, culture and life, she imagines the resurrection of society. And she begins to ask herself, ‘Where to start, how to achieve freedom?’

    Heval Sara’s whole life has been a struggle, as she herself writes in her autobiography.

    She was born in 1958 in Dersim in winter, into a Kurdish Alevi family. In Dersim, before her birth, the Turkish state killed, massacred and displaced thousands of Kurds who rebelled against assimilation, so much so that the rivers were stained red with blood.

    As a young woman, she understood what it meant to be a woman in her social reality: she chose to break with the system and not to adapt to compromise. She chose to create life, to be revolutionary.

    Her search for a just existence never stopped. First she joined Turkish socialist left-wing groups, then she met the Apoist movement. She began organising in the 1970s, under difficult conditions, in secret, against the ferocity of the Turkish state and against the prejudices of the time, which saw women as destined to be mothers and wives.

    Present since the first congress of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party on 27 November 1978 in the village of Fis, in Amed, she was one of the first female comrades and paved the way for millions of others.

    Her courage gave rise to the movement of free Kurdish women.

    Her soul is wise. Her determination, her humanity and her questions have inspired and continue to inspire.

    Sakine was arrested in May 1979, along with many other comrades. Despite being tortured, she did not once say a single word to the enemy. During her 11 years in prison, faced with atrocious physical and psychological attacks, severe torture, oppression and betrayal, she resisted with her head held high.

    One day, the highest-ranking prison official asked her:

    ‘What is your name?’

    ‘Sakine.’

    ‘Are you Turkish or Kurdish?’

    ‘I am Kurdish.’

    He slapped her and asked again: ‘Are you Turkish or Kurdish?’

    Sakine replied: ‘I am above all a revolutionary. In the revolution, origin is not so important, but I am Kurdish. If I were Turkish, I would certainly admit it.’

    This was the fighting spirit she propagated.

    She organised all the women in the women’s sections around her, led hunger strikes, and spread hope and ideas to those around her.

    She always tried to find solutions to problems. The slogan she carried with her, ‘Surrender leads to betrayal, resistance leads to victory,’ showed that the only possible way to confront fascism was through rebellion and organisation.

    After years of imprisonment, she travelled to Damascus, Syria, to attend the academies of Reber Apo (Abdullah Ocalan). She was really surprised when she saw her picture in Reber Apo’s room: this was an expression of Reber Apo’s respect towards her struggle and determination.

    She then spent several years in the mountains. Here she travelled from mountain to mountain, climbing peaks and crossing rivers. She became a strong and tireless guerrilla fighter, who never stopped thinking, questioning, committing herself and taking responsibility.

    In her own words: “Strength is often misjudged. For example, strength means to start something new in life, to create something from nothing and make life more beautiful. Strength means to write poetry in the mountains. Strength means seeing and hearing the water. Even living with the beauty of nature is strength.”

    For her, life, struggle, and love are inseparable from one another; in fact, she states, ‘I wanted to love in the struggle. I wanted to love as I fought.’

    A life other than a revolutionary one was unthinkable for her. The struggle she fought was for the liberation of women. And as she herself states: ‘Liberation knows no borders but means a constant search, a continuous aspiration to beauty.’

    Heval Sara sowed the first seeds, now it is up to us to continue sowing and reaping the fruits. What does Sara teach us? Which aspects of her personality can inspire us? How can we embody her beauty?

    These questions, especially today, can accompany us and lead us to reflect.

    During the attack in Paris, the goal was to kill courageous women who were fighting for freedom. But the spirit of these three women will never fade. Martyrs never die.

    We can follow in their steps through our daily actions aimed at the building of a just and communal life.

    Sara Rojbin Ronahi

    Jin jiyan azadi.

    Woman, life, freedom

  • Letter for the 25th of November

    Letter for the 25th of November

    Rêber Apo’s thoughts on women’s liberation

    “Society is not a single-layered class structure but a multi-layered, historical, gender-based battlefield. Humanity’s first and greatest problem is the counter-revolution that began with the enslavement of women and has targeted the sociality formed around women. The domestic violence, femicides and patriarchal oppression experienced today are all contemporary reflections of this historical attack. The caste-like structure that attacked women’s sociality and communalism later transformed into the assembly of gods in Mesopotamia, then into Sumerian priests, and from there into pharaohs and kings, making patriarchal oppression over society continuous.

    Today, the woman is the most valuable raw material of capitalism. Her body is marketed, her personality is turned into an object of marketing. Even her spirit has been invaded—invaded by men. Woman lives with the dagger of bondage that patriarchal mentality has driven into her back. The male-dominated social hierarchy created by thousands of years of civilizational struggle produces hierarchy, violence and conflict. The state-based male civilization has taken away women’s language, production, bodies, and then the entire society. Without seeing this reality, no step toward freedom can be taken.

    The problems imposed on women by the male-dominated system must be understood and resolved. Considering femicides, domestic violence, violence against women, discrimination and exploitation, the level of enslavement is far deeper than imagined. Woman has been completely degraded. Her reality has been distorted. The well-known anklets women wear as ornaments, the nose rings—these are all signs and traces of slavery passed down from history to today. In capitalist modernity, women’s bondage has been further deepened; the system has turned women into objects of decoration and marketing. To break free from this systematized enslavement and attain liberation, deep reflection and organization are needed.

    No movement for social freedom that does not place women’s freedom at its center can be a real revolution. I find current male-female relations horrifying. We addressed relations by placing women’s freedom at the center. A large part of our work consists of women’s work. Resolving the relationships and contradictions between men and women is important. We have thoroughly analyzed male domination, which blocks women’s freedom and enslaves women in every way. We developed a sociology of freedom. It is clear that being a woman is difficult and liberation is not easy, but women must dare. They must take the lead in removing the dagger of male domination embedded in humanity’s back and in building an equal, free and democratic life.”

  • us, women – Ulrike Meinhof

    us, women – Ulrike Meinhof

    Jumping into the Unknown

    West Berlin, May 14, 1970, 9:45 a.m. Ulrike Meinhof is sitting in the reading room of the German Central Institute for German Issues. The political prisoner Andreas Baader enters, handcuffed and accompanied by two guards. For 75 minutes, he will speak about a book project with journalist Ulrike Meinhof. They read magazines and take notes. At around 11 am, three armed comrades storm the institute shouting «Hands up or we`ll shoot». Shots are fired from both sides. Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof and everybody else who took part in the action jump out of a window at 1,5 m height and run to an Alfa Romeo waiting at the corner. The Red Army Fraction is born. Decades later, we will find out that Ulrike Meinhof jumped spontaneously. She was supposed to stay behind and report on the action later, without having to go underground herself.

    What drives a successful journalist and mother to abandon her entire life in an instant?

    Or maybe: what could have kept her from jumping? There was no other option. Where would she even have returned to? She had filled pages with relentless critiques on imperialist war-mongering, the half-hearted confrontation with Germany’s genocidal past and the twofold exploitation of the woman as a worker and a mother. And yet she remained part of it; still an isolated mother, still an exploited worker, still part of the murderous system.

    There was no other way, what she had endured until now became unbearable. She saw cops shooting, she saw her friends jumping.

    In this moment, with this jump, she gave a promise to herself; a promise she could not have broken easily without betraying her values. And even though she certainly could not have known what expected her, she dared to jump into the unkown. She woke herself up to stay alive. This one jump forward was not just about leaving something behind. May 14, 1970 was not only the day Andreas Baader was freed, not only the birth of RAF. This jump was cutting with the system to open everyone’s eyes.

    Lets jump back. West Germany, October 7, 1934. Ulrike Meinhof is born in Oldenburg. She was a child during the first world war. Through her texts we see how deeply she disapproved the war Germany had waged and the fact that life just continued while Nazis were still doing the same jobs, only in different clothes.

    She grew up during the Second World War and lived her youth in the post-war period. The whole German nation was crushed about having lost:Both about having lost the war and about having lost so much of its humanity that a fascist extermination system could emerge. She was way too small during the war, she herself has certainly not caused any injustice directly related to the extermination of millions of people. But fascist ideology permeates society — if you do not defend yourself against it, you will be shaped by it. Her own father was a NSDAP1 member and even if they did not spend a lot of time together, that must have been frightening. The indifference of this time was overwhelming and the unwillingness to end German fascism or at least to confront it was paralyzing. But she did not see herself as separate from history. German fascism did not come overnight. Still, the majorty of the society just accepted it. The German society had seen the posters that read «Jew, die» and still continued to vote for Hitler.

    In the post-war period, Ulrike started doing political works to dismantle the war machine. She was connected to the peoples. She went to Jordan2 for a boot camp, wrote for the people of Iran, spoke up for the people of Vietnam. For her, her generation had a direct responsibility. She insisted that her generation is innocent of genocide, of course, but cannot remain content with that.

    She carried a heaviness within her. Our past is weighing heavily on our shoulders and fascism is threatening to take away the air we breathe. Ulrike Meinhof writes at a time Kiesinger3 was the German chancellor. He pushed law changes, so NS-criminals who were his long time party comrades, would not be judged in court. This heaviness and suffering drove her to act, based on a feeling of injustice and on a simple rational thought: what do we need right now?

    Ulrike Meinhof had two small daughters. Being a mother meant a lot to her. She strongly rejected authoritarian education and took her daughters out of state school. She talked about what it meant to be a single mother. Her articles on the situation of working women and mothers are scientifically sound and well researched. She understood the situation of women and fought for them in many ways, writing a lot and giving lectures. When women were unaware of their situation, it made her really angry.

    She did not act without considering her own reality or becoming blind to her own situation. When she sent her children to Sicily so that they would not have to live with their father, it was a difficult decision for her. She struggled with herself, but considered the need to take radical steps to be greater than her family’s happiness. It was certainly difficult for her children, and therefore for her too, because she loved them. Being a single mother and working in politics is difficult, incredibly difficult, she says.

    “So the problem for all women working in politics, myself included, is that on the one hand they do socially necessary work, their heads are full of the right ideas, they may even be able to talk, write, and agitate effectively, but on the other hand they sit there with their children just as helplessly as all other women.”

    She was the leader of a campaign that fought against the situation of children in orphanages in the 1960s. She was particularly moved by the situation of young women. In her writings, we see the situation of women through her eyes. These orphanages were not homes for these young women, but prisons. Raising children and working, working politically, is incredibly difficult. She looks at her own children and all the children in the world and turns her anger into revenge. She has never seen her own life as a mother separate from the global situation of all mothers and women .

    “If you like, this is the central oppression of women, that their private lives are contrasted with some kind of political life. On the other hand, one could say that if political work has nothing to do with private life, it is not right, because it is not sustainable in the long term.”

    She saw it as her responsibility to act. As Ulrike Meinhof said, one day they will ask about Mr. Strauss4 just as we now ask our parents about Hitler. We are continuing on her path. When future generations ask about Trump, Merz, Erdoğan, Netanyahu, what will we have to say in response?

    When future generations ask us what we did to continue the work of these revolutionaries – what do we do to avenge the death of Ulrike Meinhof, who was tortured and murdered by the German state precisely because she remained resistant, and especially because she was a woman?

    What will we say then? Will we jump?

    “Protest is when I say that I don’t like this or that. Resistance is when I make sure that what I don’t like no longer happens. Protest is when I say I’m not going along with it anymore. Resistance is when I make sure that everyone else stops going along with it too.”

    1. Hitler’s far-right political party in Germany, active between 1920 and 1945. ↩︎
    2. In 1970, the PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organization) organized itself in Jordan. The PLO fought in the Jordanian Civil War with allied revolutionary groups against the Jordanian regime. At that time, the Middle East was generally an internationalist center. Many revolutionaries from all over the world learned from the movements overthere. ↩︎
    3. Kurt Georg Kiesinger was a German politician. He was an active member of the Nazi Party from 1933 and became deputy director of the Reich’s external radio propaganda, being in this capacity one of the main censors of the regime. ↩︎
    4. A German conservative politician who was a Wehrmacht soldier during the Second World War and who participated in several massacres against jews. ↩︎
  • The free woman is the fundament of democratic socialism

    The free woman is the fundament of democratic socialism

    To all the young women all over the world,

    we start this perspective by commemorating the great effort that many women throughout our history gave in order for us to live and continue the struggle for women’s liberation, freedom and social justice. The women who became martyr in the struggle for women’s liberation dedicated their life to the socialist cause, to the building of a free and equal society for us all. We dedicate this perspective on socialism to them.

    First of all, this month marks the beginning of the international conspiracy against Rêber Apo. The 9th of October of twenty-seven years ago Rêber Apo, under enormous political pressure, was forced to leave Syria heading to Europe in order to avoid a military conflict in the region and protect the Kurdish Freedom Movement. In this way began his long journey across Greece, Italy and Russia searching for a political alliance within the international community. At the end on the 15th of February 1999 was captured by the secret services of Israel and Britain in Kenya and was brought in isolation into the prison island of Imrali, in Turkey. This attack, in which all the imperialist powers took part, especially aimed the defeat of the resistance of the people of Middle East against imperialism and the destruction of the struggle for a new world system based on the paradigm of women’s liberation, social ecology and democracy. Since that moment until now Israel, United States, Turkey, Britain and all the other members of the NATO, continued their brutal attempts to stop the resistance of the Kurdish people and of all the other peoples that live in the region. Especially now with the genocide in Palestine, the attacks against Lebanon, the war in Iran and the violent conflict and crisis in Syria and in Kurdistan, we bring again the attention on Rêber Apo and on the necessity of his physical liberation in order to stop the war and bring a political solution in Middle East.

    We address this perspective to you.

    It might be that while you read this perspective you are in the car listening to music, and every song is talking about women as a trophy or property, as an object to own together with money and weapons, or maybe they refer to us just as sexual desires meant to fill up the deep void that the system creates in human beings. Or maybe you are walking on the street going to meet some friends or going to school and in every corner there is an advertisement with a woman, most of the times half naked, pictured together with some material for cleaning the house, food, cars or any kind of goods that can be sold in the market. Or let’s say that you are going back home after a nice night together with your friends and in every step you take you hope to not find any man on the way, so that you won’t have to change the side of the street and walk faster, or take the house keys in your hand ready to use them to defend yourself and hold the breath until he is gone. Or maybe while you read this perspective you are not in any of these situations, but you know that you will go through them tomorrow, because this is the reality in which we as women are forced to live in everyday by the sexist capitalist system. So, we address this perspective to you, whether you are in school or at the university, whether you are starting new to study economics, social sciences or perhaps physics. Or, on the other hand, you might have had no other choice than to work. Maybe as a waitress in a restaurant, or as a care worker, or in the logistic sector of some company that most of the times is not intended to give you any job security but leaves you in precarious and uncertain conditions. Not to mention the salary, that if you are lucky it is enough to get you at the end of the month and, anyway, cannot repay the value of your time and work. Whether you live in a family that expects you to have a man by your side and wants to convince you that you just have to wait for the right one, or to make an effort to love a man or to change who you are for a man. Whatever your situation is, we address this perspective to all of you; to all the young women that are resisting and fighting, in many different ways, for the liberation of us all.

    At this point in your life, you may ask yourself, “Who will I become?” or perhaps more importantly, “What will I do?”. We want to try to give an answer to these questions in the next few lines.

    About democratic socialism.

    We as young women find ourselves in a dramatic situation. In front of the systemic attacks that we receive everyday, for us the solution can be nothing less than the construction of a new world system that radically rejects sexist rules and focuses on the freedom of the whole society based on woman’s freedom. We call this system a socialist system. When we refer to socialism here we don’t refer to a system of domination or to some utopian reality; this has nothing to do with the reality of democratic socialism developed by Rêber Apo. Democratic socialism is not a construct imposed on society, nor is it a concept alienated from the social nature of human beings. It is a concrete way of life based on freedom, communality, and diversity. It stands in contrast to capitalism, which is based on exploitation and violence, and also to liberalism, which focuses on individual and false freedom. In the socialist understanding, both the individual and the collective play a role in the society and are in organic balance with each other. Democratic socialism is of central importance, especially for us as young women, because it is interwoven within our history and is part of our identities.

    How did we get to today?

    In the mid-19th century, the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels led to the development of a new form of socialism called scientific socialism. They understood the reality of society in the present and in history in terms of the struggle between classes with opposing interests, namely the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The basis of these analyses and the goals of social construction is the material situation of society, in particular the relations of production. These insights were groundbreaking and led to historically significant steps. But the solution based on Marx’s ideas only scratched the surface but was never able to really solve the fundamental social contradiction. In fact, the oppression of women was neither destroyed nor resolved in real socialism. Yes, the situation of women improved, abortion rights were introduced, but even the Russian revolutionaries themselves were aware of the problem: relations between men and women were so sexist that they even undermined class consciousness. At that time, class consciousness was seen as the basis for the common struggle; history has shown to us that this does not touch the root of the problem.
    As Alexandra Kollontai analyzed herself:

    “The interests of the working class demand that new, comradely, and equal relationships be established between members of the working class, male and female workers. [For example] Prostitution prevents this. A man who has bought a woman’s affection can never see her as a ‘comrade’. It follows that prostitution destroys the development and growth of solidarity among members of the working class, and therefore the new communist morality can only condemn prostitution.”1

    Alexandra Kollontai, like also Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg, took important steps. They came closer to the truth of socialism. Beyond the contradiction of classes, they understood the relationship between genders as the main problem. In doing so, they always encountered resistance from the dominant male mentality. Before the October Revolution in Russia, women were seen as appendages to men, not as revolutionary personalities, even though they were the driving force of the society. For example, the strike waged by women demanding for bread on International Women’s Day in 1917 in Saint Petersburg was ultimately the starting point of the October Revolution, and it was women who became the driving force of the Russian Revolution.

    The Feminist Movements of the 1960s and 1970s also made significant steps on the topic. Already at that time they were able to spread in the society that “the personal is political”. Everything we experience, every injustice, every oppression and violence is not just something individual, or occasional, but the same injustice is experienced by thousands of young women every day.

    How do we build democratic socialism?

    Rêber Apo writes in his letter for the 8th of March 2025:

    “Unless the rape culture is overcome, social reality cannot be revealed in the fields of philosophy, science, aesthetics, ethics and religion. As Marxism proves, the achievement of socialism will not be possible unless the new era destroys the male-dominated culture deeply embedded in society. Socialism can be achieved through women’s liberation. One cannot be a socialist without women’s freedom. There can be no socialism. One cannot go for socialism without democracy.”2

    The understandings that Rêber Apo reached now days prove that what many revolutionary women tried to explain in the past centuries was right. The social problem that Alexandra Kollontai brought to light a century ago about prostitution have reached today all levels and fields of society in the most brutal form. It is especially in the era of digital media and financial capitalism that the young women are hyper-aesthetized and hyper-sexualized the most. We are constantly led to conform to or respond to aesthetic and social canons that are based on sexism and rape culture. For this reason the first step to build democratic socialism is to build in ourselves a strong socialist personality that is able to create around itself an organized society through the building of communes, cooperatives, councils and any other form of autonomous organization that firmly reject sexism. Insisting on the moral values of humanity is at the same time creating a democratic and socialist culture and as young women, we carry these values particularly strongly within us. These principles though, do not only apply to us women, in fact, they are also of fundamental importance for men. As Rêber Apo says “A man can only call himself a socialist if he is able to live properly with women.”3

    Commune is society, and sociability is socialism.

    We have mentioned the commune as a form of organization of the society, but it is not just this; it plays a central role in the building of democratic socialism. In the early 1800s archaeological researches made new discoveries about the origin of democratic societies and systems. At that time Marx and Engels were not yet able to take these discoveries into account in their theories about socialism and communism. They themselves recognized this.4 It was only later that the insights gained from the Paris Commune of 1871 and archaeological research shedding light on communal life at the time of natural society made it clear to humanity that the commune is a central guideline for understanding democratic history. Towards the end of his life, Marx also understood this. The commune is the most natural and fundamental form of organization of the democratic socialist society. It can exist as a youth commune, or even a children commune, a women neighborhood commune or a student commune. Inside of the commune, each part of the society can become political and so develop the ability to organize autonomously, take decision and develop a system of life based on the necessities of each group or community. Also, it can develop the capacity to defend itself from physical, psychological, economical and any kind of attacks that are waged by the state and the system.

    The revolutionary must move among the masses like a fish in water.” – Mao Ze-Dong

    Now it comes to us, what can we do?

    Also for us young women the commune is the first structure in which we can organize ourselves. That is, in which we can become ourselves, discover our identity, build sisterhood, support each other, create the fundament for a democratic socialist system and most importantly, defend ourselves. If we want to become socialists and build up the way out of the actual world crisis, we have to think ourselves as a unity, as a commune; that means, we have to see ourselves as one. When a woman does not believe in herself, or does not see herself has valuable, it is also our responsibility to build this trust together with her. When a woman struggles with the question of whether she has enough strength or courage to be a revolutionary, we have to see ourselves in that question and together overcome any fear or obstacle. When a woman is harassed by a man on the street, or faces domestic violence in the family or in her workplace, we must feel this violence as it was against our own self. Now we know that when they attack one of us, they attack the identity of the woman as a whole and so they attack all of us. And so, the next time that we will hear a sexist song on the radio or we will see an advertisement on the street that portrays us as an object to sell on the market, we can find in ourselves and in our sisters the strength to reject this culture, reject this system; change the radio station, destroy that advertisement and organize together with other young women our own system, our own self defense. The world is changing, the youth is rising up everywhere and we are not alone anymore, there is a whole organization of women that has our backs and is ready to fight side by side with us for the building of a free society based on democratic socialism.

    The next time that we will ask “Who will I become?” we have all the tools that are necessary to give the right answer to ourselves. As Fred Hampton, revolutionary leader of the Black Panther Party, once said: “if you are scared of socialism then you are scared of yourself”.

    1Alexandra Kollontai, Letter to the Working Youth, 1922.

    2Rêber Apo, Letter on March 8, 2025.

    3Rêber Apo, Letter to the Jineolojî Academy.

    4Engels, in the first footnote to the 1888 edition of the Communist Manifesto, 30 years after its first publication.

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